| a1 | (Śāntā) and the women of the harem hither (came) again (with their) own (sweetmeats) ... |
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| a2 | Until this in many ways he was getting involved in the pleasures of [sexual] passion (...) |
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| a3 | The rṣi Ekaśṛṅga began to go to this [artificial] jungle together with the princess Śanta. |
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| a4 | (...) this rṣi Ekaśṛṅga was was leaning himself on a staff. (While going on board the ship made up) as a grove ... |
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| a5 | (he carries on his back) the princess. Then the sun began (to be) in middle of twilight ... |
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| b1 | In the [artificial] forest (strewn) with (grains of) sandy soil, comparable to the ground of a hut .... |
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| b2 | Spies (that have been) sent in secret by king (Brahmada)tta, without [recognizable] mark(s) ... |
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| b3 | ... the lord together with a great assembly. He smells this [sacrificial] cake over there, having placed (his sight) towards (the princess) ... |
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| b4 | ... (the pleasure from taste [of food] is only) rubbish to fill up the humans! Having heard that the cunning princess ... |
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| b5 | ... lamenting the deceptions of many sorts, the beloved one ... |
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| n1 | ymaṣy may be a poetic form of the imperfect of yām- ‘to do’, yamaṣṣi, cf. the allegro variant maṣṣi. Pinault 2006: 215-216: "ymaṣy ... is the sandhi form before a vowel for ymaṣṣi, the imperfect 3 sg.act. based on a present stem with suffix -sk- (class IX or X). As a first alternative that would fit the context, this would belong to the verb yām- 'to make, do'. The resulting sense would be as follows: 'he experienced pleasures of passion'. This form would stand for the standard form yamaṣṣi, and it would represent some kind of intermediate step between this classical form and the vulgar and colloquial form maṣṣi. As a matter of fact, the verbal root yām- does feature vulgar forms withthe stem allomorph mask-/maṣṣ-, which are found in profane texts [cf. Schmidt 1986a: 645-647; Peyrot 2008: 160; Malzahn 2010: 787-788)], and among them the imperfect maṣṣi. The evolution that lies behind this phenomenon is far from being understood however, [...] so that it would be quite speculative to assume, taking this form as an example, a path such as: *yāmäṣṣi (archaic form) › yamáṣṣi › (raising of the vowel of the first syllable) *yämáṣṣi › (syncope) ymáṣṣi › (reduction of the initial cluster) maṣṣi. There is a second alternative, which is safer from the phonological point of view: ymaṣṣi would be due to the simplification of the syncopated form (in allegro speech) *ynmaṣṣi ‹ yänmaṣṣi, imperfect 3 sg.act. of yäp- 'to enter', pres. Xa yänmaṣṣäṃ (Malzahn 2010: 796-798). This reduced form would have been used as a poetic license. One can object that this verb is always used as verb of motion, or as referring to sunset (cf. TB kauṃ-yapts, etc.). But there is no major difficulty to assume for this passage some metaphorical transfer of the movement: 'he was being (durative, or even iterative) involved, lit. entering, into sexual pleasures'." |
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| n2 | kruññai may be a feminine adjective in -ñña referring to keṃ ‘earth’ “compared with kru earth” with the adjective receiving the secondary affix, which is possible in verse. Pinault 2016: 216-217: "kruñña*, epithet of keṃ 'earth, ground', with alternative word order [...], for kruññai keṃmpa. This is the feminine of an adjective kruññe* ‹ kär(y)-úññe, with suffix -úññe accented on the first syllable, cf. lykuññe ‹ *lyäkúññe, based on the oblique stem of lyak 'thief', lantuññe, based on *lānt-úññe, from lānt, obl.sg. of walo 'king' (Pinault 2011a: 454, 458). The basis is *kär(y), loan from Skt. kuṭī- 'hut' (Monier-Williams 1899: 288b), Pāli kuṭī-, kuṭikā- 'hut, cabin, shelter' (Rhys Davids and Stede 1921: 219; Cone 2001: 703-704), Pkt. kuḍī-, kuḍaya-, etc. (Turner 1966: No. 165), through MIndic *kuḍi. This noun has already been traced in Tocharian, on the basis of independent evidence: it is actually reflected as first compound member in TB käryakār (‹ *käryäkār), attested in a letter, and loan from Skt. kuṭi-kāra-, cf. Pāli kuṭi-kāra- 'the making of hut(s)' (Pinault 2008: 387-388). The translation given [here] is based on the construction of kruññai keṃmpa with the participle tasemane 'comparable', which requires normally a complement in the comitative. Nonetheless, the subject of the sentence could be keṃ 'ground' as well. An alternative translation of b1 would be as follows: 'in the grove, the ground, (understood: strewn) with grains of sandy soil, (was) comparable to (the one) of a hut'." |
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| n3 | Pinault 2016: 217-218: "pälkostañc [...], nom.pl. of pälkostau* 'spy, watcher', should be seen as the calque of Skt. spása- 'watcher, spy, messenger' or of Skt. rakṣā-puruṣa- 'watcher, guard', rakṣa-pāla 'guard'. The connection with the verbal root pälk- 'to see, to look at' has already been recorded (Adams 2013a: 405), but this wants for precision. I propose the following analysis: the underlying noun was *pälkoste, remade as pälkostau* after the model of names of professions ending in °au: olyitau 'boatman', saṃtkīnau 'physician', käryorttau 'merchant'. etc. These nouns belong to the class VII, cf. obl.sg. käryorttant, nom.pl. käryorttañc, etc. (TEB I: 137, §200). As for *pälkoste, there are several options. This form does not point to an agent noun from the root that has been already mentioned. Taking things at face value, the basis could be pälko that would belong to the type of action nouns (often concretized) in TB -o, plural -onta, all of alternating gender, e.g. palsko, pl. pälskonta 'thinking', kāko, pl. kakonta 'invitation', yarpo, pl. yärponta 'good deed, merit'. However, a noun of this type, and derived from the root pälk-, is well registered: pilko, pl. pilkonta 'view'. In addition, the vocalism of the first syllable of pilko points to an original e-grade of the root, which is met also in other derivatives of this type: ṣiko 'footstep', misko 'exchange, trading', etc. The hypothesis of a doublet which would be derived from the same root with a different vocalism is not particularly attractive. As an alternative, one can assume that pälkoste* would go back through assimilation and cluster reduction to *pälkoṣ-ste, the basis of which would be the obl.sg.masc. of pälkau, substantive based on the pret.part. of pälk- 'to see, look at'. See pälkaucäkka 'fortune teller' (female), translating Skt. īkṣaṇikā- (THT 529: a1), based on the agent noun pälkauca. Alternatively, *pälkostau could be a vulgar form (with late evolution of the diphthong [cf. Peyrot 2008: 54]) for pälkaustau*, based on the substantive pälkau itself. This is however not likely, since this would be the only instance of a marked late form in this manuscript. There is no TB suffix *-ste, nor *-stau. The last morpheme of *pälkoste would be a second compound member *-ste ‹ CToch. *-stæ ‹ PIE *sth2-o-, based on the root *steh2- 'to stay'. This reflects an inherited formation, which is well attested in other Indo-European languages, cf. Ved. -stha- 'staying' in rathe-ṣṭhá-, apnaḥ-sthá- (Debrunner 1954: 77), OIr. foss 'servant' (‹ *uposto-), and similar compounds [cf. Wodtko et al. 2008: 638, with previous literature]. The underlying noun *pälkoste can be glossed as 'staying for the watch', which fits for a secret agent in service of the king." |
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| n4 | prūr [...] 'cake', loan from Skt. puroḍāś- (°ḍāśa-) 'sacrificial cake' (RV +) through MIndic intermediary, alternatively from Skt. *pūra-puṭa-, also through MIndic intermediary. Skt. puroḍāś(a)-: a cake made with rice [or] barley flo[u]r and baked in potsherds; the sacrificial cake, offered as oblation in fire (Monier-Williams 1899: 6351-b). Toch. prūr ‹ *pärúrä ‹ MIndic purūrā ‹ purorā ‹ nom.sg. *puroḍāṭ. Compare Oṛiya puroṛā 'cake', exactly 'roll of bread made of barley flo[u]r' (Turner 1966: No. 8291), Pāli pūraḷāsa- 'sacrificial cake (brahmanic), oblation' (Rhys Davids and Stede 1921: 471b), certainly through contamination of the expected MIndic form by Pāli pūva- (Skt. pūpa-) 'cake' (Monier-Williams 1899: 641b), see also Skt. ghr̥ta-pūra- (attested in Suśrutasaṃhitā) 'a sweetmeat' (composed of flour, milk, cocoa-nut, and ghee) (Monier-Williams 1899: 378c), pūra- 'a sort of unleavened cake fried with ghee or oil', pūraka- 'a ball or meal offered at conclusion of oblations for the ancestors' [cf. Monier-Williams 1899: 642a, Mayrhofer 1956: I, 322-323 "for the complex history of these forms" – Pinault 2016: 216, n. 34], Pkt. pūra- 'cake', etc. (Turner 1966: No. 831). Judging from the context, prūr refers to some smelling meal burnt in oblation, which ought to be different from the intoxicating sweetmeats that Ekaśr̥ṅga consumed during his meetings with courtesans." |
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| n5 | päryari seems to belong to the loan word paryari ‘wonder, miracle’, possibly a adjectival derivative written with pä instead of pa, which is not too problematic for a loan word. |
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